The UNITED NATIONS and the Crisis of Global Governance: Between Principles, Power, and Public Responsibility!
- Adveline Minja

- Jun 1
- 4 min read
By Mussa Shehe
For Wisdom Thrives Media (WTM) | June 2nd, 2026

The modern international order was built upon a difficult lesson: peace cannot depend solely on military victory or political promises. Following the devastation of the Second World War, nations sought to create structures capable of reducing conflict, encouraging cooperation, and protecting future generations from repeating the same failures.
The United Nations (UN), established in 1945, emerged from that ambition.
Its founding vision was both practical and aspirational: to promote international peace and security, strengthen cooperation among states, encourage respect for human rights, and provide a framework for resolving disputes through diplomacy rather than force.
Nearly eight decades later, however, difficult questions continue to emerge. Not because the ideals behind the UN have disappeared — but because many observers increasingly question whether the current international system is equipped to uphold those ideals consistently in a world shaped by unequal power, competing interests, and shifting geopolitical realities.
This raises an important civic question:
When institutions struggle to deliver on their stated purpose, is the problem the institution itself — or the political realities surrounding it?
To understand this debate, one must first understand how the UN functions.
The United Nations operates through several principal organs, including the General Assembly, where all member states participate; the Security Council, responsible for maintaining international peace and security; the International Court of Justice; the Economic and Social Council; and specialized agencies that address development, health, education, humanitarian response, and global coordination.
Among these, the Security Council remains both the most influential and the most debated.
The Council’s permanent members — China, France, Russia, the United Kingdom, and the United States — possess veto authority, allowing them to block substantive resolutions.
Supporters argue that this structure was necessary to maintain stability among major powers after World War II.
Critics argue that it creates an inherent contradiction: an institution established to protect equality among nations contains mechanisms that distribute decision-making unequally.
This tension becomes most visible during major international crises.
The Russia–Ukraine war revived debates around territorial integrity, sovereignty, and the limits of multilateral enforcement when permanent member interests are involved.
The Israel–Gaza crisis intensified global debate around humanitarian protection, proportionality, accountability, civilian safety, and the consistency of international responses.
Military actions involving major powers elsewhere have similarly prompted questions about how international norms are interpreted and applied.
These examples do not produce simple conclusions.
Rather, they expose a recurring concern: whether international law is experienced as universal in application or shaped by political influence and strategic interests.
This debate is not new.
Scholars within International Relations have long argued that international institutions often reflect the political conditions under which they were created.
Realist perspectives emphasize that states primarily act according to security, national interests, and survival.
Institutionalist perspectives maintain that despite limitations, international organizations remain essential because they create norms, dialogue channels, and mechanisms that reduce the likelihood of uncontrolled conflict.
The reality may exist somewhere between both positions.
International institutions rarely operate independently from power.
Yet abandoning institutions altogether does not eliminate power politics — it simply removes structured mechanisms through which disagreements can be managed.
This conversation becomes particularly relevant when discussing Africa and representation within global governance.
Calls for Security Council reform have intensified in recent years.
Arguments supporting greater African representation are often framed not simply as symbolic inclusion, but as recognition that global governance structures should reflect contemporary demographic, economic, and geopolitical realities.
At the same time, representation alone does not automatically translate into influence.
Questions of regional coordination, strategic coherence, institutional strength, economic independence, and political accountability remain equally important.
This is not criticism directed at one region alone.
It is a broader reminder that legitimacy in international governance depends not only on access to decision-making spaces, but also on institutional credibility and collective capacity.
Yet perhaps the deeper lesson extends beyond diplomacy.
The questions surrounding the UN reflect broader questions of UN representation and governance that many societies are already confronting domestically.
Across different regions, citizens increasingly debate constitutionalism, institutional trust, accountability, civic participation, misinformation, public ethics, and the relationship between legality and legitimacy.
Many countries possess constitutions.
Many institutions have formal mandates.
Yet implementation often remains uneven.
This suggests that governance challenges are rarely caused by the absence of frameworks alone.
More often, they emerge when political incentives, public expectations, and institutional practice become disconnected.
Technology has added another layer to this challenge. Information moves faster than institutions adapt. Artificial intelligence, digital platforms, algorithmic influence, and changing patterns of public engagement continue to reshape how societies communicate, organize, and participate politically.
As a result, legitimacy today is no longer built only through authority.
Increasingly, legitimacy must also be sustained through transparency, responsiveness, and public trust.
This is where civic education becomes essential. Not civic education as normalizing uncivil society. But civic education as understanding how institutions and societies work, recognizing their limitations, evaluating decisions critically, and participating in public discourse responsibly.
Because healthy societies do not strengthen institutions through silence or inactive participation. They strengthen them through informed participation, principled engagement, and constructive accountability.
The future of global governance may therefore depend less on creating perfect institutions and more on cultivating citizens capable of asking difficult questions while remaining committed to improving the systems they inherit.
The challenge before humanity is not choosing between institutions and criticism.
It is learning how to strengthen institutions without abandoning principles.
WTM | Global Governance • Civic Education • International Affairs • Principled Analysis




I did not know that the UN exists until after I read this article